Introduction

Mexico and the United States share a border which has been crossed by Mexicans for years, many searching for the American dream. This search is to look for a better life and more economic opportunities. Some go back and forth between these two countries for various reasons and some eventually return to Mexico permanently. This movement and lived experiences in the two countries make them transnationals; that is, these people develop a sense of belonging to both settings as a result of constantly migrating back and forth between two homes located in different nation-states (Menard-Warwick, 2008; Petrón, 2009; Sánchez, 2009). Once they have returned to Mexico, these transnational young adults become EFL teachers for different motives. The teacher socialization process of becoming a teacher has not been straightforward for them, as it has been for others who enter into the profession. This study explores the teacher socialization and identity of transnational young adults who returned to Mexico and are students in a BA in English Language Teaching (ELT) in a public university in central Mexico.

Literature Review

The literature which guided this research is based upon four concepts: transnationalism, identity, teacher socialization, and funds of knowledge. We will review these concepts and make connections to the four concepts.

Research on transnationalism is found across many disciplines, such as sociology, communication, economics, social anthropology, and more recently in the discipline of language teaching (Frausto-Hernández, 2017-2018; Monzó & Rueda, 2003; Mora-Pablo, Lengeling & Basurto-Santos, 2015; Mora-Pablo, Frausto-Hernández, & Rangel-Gamiño; Mora-Pablo, Rivas-Rivas, Lengeling & Crawford, 2015; Petrón, 2009; Petrón & Greybeck, 2014; Rivas-Rivas, 2013; Serna-Gutiérrez & Mora-Pablo, 2018; Christiansen, Trejo-Guzmán, & Mora-Pablo, 2017; Trejo-Guzmán, Mora-Vázquez, Mora-Pablo, Lengeling & Crawford, 2016; Villegas-Torrers & Mora-Pablo, 2015). The topic of transnationalism is becoming more relevant for both the United States and Mexico, as well as other countries which experience this phenomenon. Portes (1997) defines transnationals as those who “are often bilingual, move easily between different cultures, frequently maintain homes in two countries, and pursue economic, political and cultural interests that require their presence in both” (p. 812). The notion of transnationals living in two spaces is often expressed by scholars (Petrón, 2009; Vertovec, 2001) and entails that a transnational is one who has experiences of moving to, from, and in between two nation states and educational contexts whilst acquiring knowledges and shaping his or her imagination of self and belongingness.

Concerning identity, Norton (2013) defines it “to reference how a person understands his or her relationship to the world, how that relationship is constructed across time and space, and how the person understands possibilities for the future” (p. 45). In this definition the past, present and future are intertwined within different contexts in relation to a person’s identity. In this chapter we explore these aspects of transnationals within the contexts of the United States and Mexico and how the individuals form and reform their fluid identity. Norton & Toohey (2011) also explain identity as: “a fluid, context-dependent, and context-producing, in particular historical and cultural circumstances” (p. 419). Identity is constructed and changed through the use of language. Richards (2006) mentions that “every time we speak we reveal –whether deliberately or accidentally- something of ourselves and who we take ourselves to be” (p. 3). Regarding this use of language, Norton (2013) also confirms that “it is through language that a person negotiates a sense of self with and across different sites at different points in time” (p. 45). In this research, our participants are transnationals and use both English and Spanish to reveal their identity. The use of language is how they are able to announce, reconfirm and make sense of their multiple identities.

From identity we move to teacher socialization. Zeichner & Gore (1990) mention that it “is that field of scholarship which seeks to understand the process whereby the individual becomes a participating member of the society of teachers” (p. 329). More specifically we explore how transnationals become EFL teachers in central Mexico. Farrell (2001) specifies a variety of aspects which make up the socialization process: “learning how to teach and all the demands associated with teaching, such as coping with school rules inside and outside the classroom, following the school rules for lesson planning, following or developing curricula, learning the routines of the classroom, and learning how to interact with school authorities and colleagues” (pp. 49-50). There are aspects which are part of socialization and one’s experiences in or outside of the classroom or school that are also brought to this process. Bodycott (1997) also points out the importance of knowledge: “pre-service teachers enter colleges and universities with a wealth of knowledge and experiences, gathered from a life-time of expose to families, peer groups, teacher and schools” (p. 57). Transnationals bring with them an asset of experiences which influence their identity and socialization process.

Finally, we will use a concept which is typically utilized to portray students’ knowledge and experiences, and, we use Moll’s (1990) concept of funds of knowledge to refer to the experientially accumulated and acquired skills and knowledge of transnational English language teachers. This explores the interplay between the lived experiences of transnational English teachers and their socialization and classroom practices. We approach these everyday experiences through their socialization process, grounding our interpretations and description on two main concepts. First, we hold that transnational English teachers rely on their backgrounds to establish a common ground with other teachers based on shared experiences. We refer to these shared experiences as funds of identity. Funds of identity refers to the appropriation of funds of knowledge in describing oneself (Esteban-Guitart & Moll, 2014). Here, people, or in this case the transnationals, describe their membership to a particular group of English teachers and differentiate themselves from Mexican national teachers by establishing common funds of identity. Second, transnational teachers bring these experiences into the language classroom to enhance the learning experience. The aforementioned four concepts are the basis for this research.

Methodology and Participants

This qualitative study uses narrative inquiry as the basis in order to explore the experiences of nine transnationals who studied a BA in ELT in central Mexico. Qualitative research attempts to better understand individuals, groups of people and/or sets of research problems in this case, the teacher socialization and identity negotiation process of transnational EFL teachers throughout central Mexico from the point of view of the participants involved in the research (Labuschangne, 2003; Rubin & Rubin, 1995). In other words, “qualitative researchers are interested in understanding how people interpret their experiences, how they construct their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences” (Merriam, 2009, p. 5). The aim of qualitative inquiry, then, is to better understand different aspects of the lived world (Richards, 2003).

Upon a qualitative research paradigm, narrative inquiry was used as a foundation to explore the participants’ experiences. Narrative inquiry allows researchers to explore the “collaboration between researcher and participants, over time, in a place or series of places, and in social interaction with milieus” (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000, p. 20). Considering the aspects of time, context and social interaction sheds light on the participants’ teacher socialization process and their identity. Bruner (1990) argues that it is through narratives that we can arrive at an understanding of who we are, who they are, and what the relationship is between us. As narrative inquiry lends itself to documenting process and changes that occur over time (Kouritzin, 2000), the experiences of the participants showed a connection on making the decision to develop as English teachers once having returned to Mexico, as well as to better understand their complex identity construction and reconstruction process.

Interviews were carried out with the nine EFL teachers in the language of their choice: Spanish or English. In-depth interviews can be more suitable for situations in which the interviewer may seek to ask more open-ended questions that elicit depth of information from the participants. In other words, in-depth interviews are useful when detailed information about a person’s thoughts, experiences or behaviors are aimed to be explored more in detail (Boyce & Neale, 2006). All of the participants signed a consent form and pseudonyms were used to protect their identity.

Regarding the participants, they were practicing EFL teachers (five males and four females) who were studying a BA in English language teaching at a large public university in central Mexico ranging from 19 to 40 years old. They had lived for a range of 6 to 24 years in a number of states, such as California, Texas, New York, Illinois, Idaho, among others. They have a range of teaching experience from 3-12 years and work in a variety of teaching contexts: kindergarten to university in rural and urban settings in both the public and private sectors.

Once audio was recorded and transcribed, the data was read through a number of times in order to find emerging themes.

Discussion of Data

The emerging themes include: Experiences in Both Countries: Shaping Identity; Perception of the Self and the Impact on Professional Identity; Identifying with Other Transnational Teachers; Different from National Teachers; and Lived Experiences as a Resource for ELT.

Experiences in Both Countries: Shaping Identity

For these participants, shaping their identity has been influenced by their experiences in both countries. They have developed a sense of attachment to one culture, in most of the cases, to the American culture. Even when they were taken to the United States at an early age, these participants developed a sense of ethnic identity while living in the American community and felt part of it. Wallace (2001) distinguishes that membership within an ethnic group is partly ascribed by others based on a person’s different traits, such as ancestry, phenotype and physical appearance but also influenced by the person’s participation in the cultural and linguistic community. In this sense, Octavio, one of the participants, explains how he feels attached to parts of the certain aspects of the American culture that have shaped who he is:

Uh, probably the thing I feel the most attached to is music, because, I mean, I listen to rap, rock, and most of my music repertoire is in English, and, really, the only Spanish music I listen to is very little. So, I think it’s music, and maybe like pop culture, like movies and stuff (Octavio).

Similarly, for Salvador the experiences that he had with his father made him feel closer to the American culture:

I can identify myself more with, […] sports and food because I grew up with a baseball background. My dad was a baseball player, and we lived close by a baseball stadium, so, most of the time my dad would sometimes take us to the game, and I also lived amongst fast food restaurants. Being a Hispanic in the U.S., I worked at a restaurant, washing dishes for five dollars an hour, at an Italian restaurant to be more specific (Salvador).

This sense of belonging also brings nostalgia for things that they used to have when living in the States. This is the case of Antonio and Yolanda, who describe the things that they enjoyed doing:

I like culture and sports. I like shopping. I like different types of food, and I like the places. They seem to be cleaner, better organized. I like the court system, the legal system, the traffic system. It seems to be well structured as well, and I enjoy those areas (Antonio).

I miss the parks, because I used to have a lot of fun at the parks, going to watch baseball games, basketball games, and especially because I would go with all my family, and we had good times. Movies, they did movie shows at the park also and it was very fun (Yolanda).

In a critical perspective on identity, Grey (1994) suggests that the notion of “project of the self” can help us to explain how the nature of individuals’ participation in a community influences their understanding of “self” This can be seen in how these participants relate their experiences with their social practices in a particular community. Moreover, some other participants take a step further and compare their lives in both countries, but usually, one country seems to be at a disadvantage:

It’s different though, like in Mexico, you don’t have a 4th of July. We don’t have an open mind here in Mexico. They’re very closed, and they just follow the traditions pretty much. The woman has to stay at home, and the guy goes to work. Back in the States, it’s fifty-fifty though, if you’re not, you bounce (Juan).

They even made reference to how life can be better in the States:

Well, maybe their rules. I don’t know. Let’s talk about, I don’t know, the city, how it works, like, there has to be no trash, and also you have to attend, I don’t know, you have to respect a lot of things, and that makes it better (Nadia).

However, not all the participants felt nostalgia for the American culture. Some of them expressed how they appreciated different aspects of Mexico and how they valued the time they have spent in the country and how their identities have been shaped by what they have experienced during the years they have lived in Mexico. This, in turn, helped them to create a positive image of themselves and the country.

When I think of Mexican culture, I just think about what I like about it, and that would be the family times. Like I mentioned, in that sense, I’m not so close to my family anymore, so (laughter), but, I haven’t considered myself either Mexican or American that much (Arturo).

As identity can be shaped and reshaped over the years, Antonio shows this and how the time he has spent in Mexico has contributed to his of attachment to Mexico:

At this point, I used to be related more to the American culture, but as I spend more time here in Mexico, I am related more to the Mexican culture, even though I still have aspects about the American culture that I like and that I miss, but I feel more identified as a Mexican (Antonio).

This is similar to what Laura has experienced while living in Mexico. She has been able to identify aspects of the United States and Mexico that she has learned to value:

From Mexico, I like many things. I know Mexico has many problems as a country, but I like the fact that we still have that union in our families, and we have that good union also with our friends. Yes, we try to gather with them frequently, see each other, and share many things. Something that I found difficult to do in the U.S., I did make quite a few friends, which are the ones who I miss, but in general, the people are very cold, not very united, and it’s like everyone is doing their own thing. […] I find it a more humanistic culture, and the U.S. not. It is a culture more focused on competence and more materialistic (Laura).

This shows us the complexities of living in two countries and how the participants’ identity can be shaped and re-shaped over the years. An important aspect to consider is the location, or place, where these experiences are lived. But as Pretty, Chipuer and Bramston (2003) explain, location is not enough to create a sense of place. This has to emerge from involvement between people and the community, but at the same time, this includes emotions and a sense of belonging. Pretty et al. (2003) explain that: “The specifications of concepts subsumed under sense of place, particularly place identity, place attachment and sense of community, have not been clearly articulated. There is considerable overlap between factors such as emotional bonds, affiliation, behavioral commitment, satisfaction and belonging…” (p. 274). For the participants of this study, being able to have life experiences in both countries has helped them see things from a different perspective, as Laura describes:

Well, I got the experience of knowing a new culture. I got the experience to appreciate more what I have in Mexico. I got the experience since the moment I was in the U.S. and I saw the lifestyle that they live, that opened up my mind. When I returned to Mexico, I saw things from a different perspective, but at the same time, it made me value more what I have here (Laura).

Another aspect that has shaped who they are and how they feel is related to the experiences of discrimination they have had, not only in the United States, but also in Mexico. For Salvador, the way he looked and dressed was a factor that contributed to distinguish himself from his Mexican peers:

I would have to say the way of dressing, because my way of dressing was so different. Sometimes people would tell me: Hey! Where did you buy your clothes? Or, why do you wear that? Like, why do I wear what? This is how I feel comfortable, and then, I had similar, I mean, I had negative perceptions towards why I dressed that way because being bald and, having a goatee. Maybe he’s into a negative lifestyle, negative lifestyle meaning that if I was in a gang, or something like that, but no, it’s just a way of living through hip hop (Salvador).

A linguistic aspect was also a characteristic that people used to notice in these participants. Some were constantly questioned about their level of Spanish. Even when they looked Mexican, their command of Spanish was not in accordance according to the others’ expectations, as Salvador mentions:

I fixed my Spanish, because my Spanish was how Mexicans here kind of like discriminated against, Mexicans in the States, meaning that their Spanish is mocho, meaning that you put English words into the way you speak Spanish, so I can say I just fixed my Spanish (Salvador).

Similarly, Juan also makes reference to this issue, and how this even influenced his interaction in conversations:

Actually, when I got here, fourteen, fifteen, like sixteen months ago, kind of in a way, because of my accent, my Spanish was just bad, short. Sometimes I would just stay quiet because I wouldn’t know what to say back to them, so sometimes I felt like that, but not anymore (Juan).

All participants, although, agree that with the time, they felt more secure about their linguistic ability in Spanish, and this helped them with their self-image and how they could start their socialization process in a new community. In this sense, linguistic constructions are crucial indicators of social identity for members of a community as they constantly engage in interactions with other people. This, in turn, influences how these participants see themselves in relation to others and how their past experiences shape their professional identity, as it will be discussed in the following section.

Perception of the Self and the Impact on Professional Identity

Tang (1997) explained that one’s identity is not innate, but is affected by various social factors, such as being compared to others. Our professional identity shifts in our relationships with people, with learners, as well as with colleagues. Brison (2002) argues that the self is autonomous and dependent, shaped and “formed in relation to others and sustained in a social context” (p. 41). He also points out that understanding this relational aspect is essential to learning who we are as people and as teachers. In the case of these participants, they were able to recognize the advantages they had over their counterparts, especially when this is about a linguistic advantage, as Gaby points out:

I guess I could define myself as something different because my experiences would be very different from someone else’s, so I think, even though, even if I hadn’t traveled to the States, I still had different experiences from other teachers that would make me unique in my teaching. Or my experiences with my past teachers would have formed me to be a certain type of teacher, so, I think, for anyone, it’s not necessarily that.

It’s just your past experiences that you have gone through that make you who you are as a teacher (Gaby).

In a similar case, Arturo points out how having lived in the two countries has influenced the way he saw himself as a teacher:

I think I wouldn’t be where I was if I hadn’t done it. I wouldn’t be an English teacher and I wouldn’t see. I wouldn’t have a more open view of how things happen, not just American, not just Mexican, just in between. I think it helped open my mindset a little (Arturo).

Identities are constructed in interactional situations, therefore, they are the result of the negotiations between participants as to what roles, actions, attitudes and behaviours are most pertinent in the given context, time and the resultant positioning of the self and each other (Fairclough, 1996; Lillis, 2001). For these participants, being able to direct their experiences in the teaching profession was a catalyst to reinforce their positive self-image, but also to find what they wanted to continue doing as professionals, as Antonio suggests:

Mmm, I’m glad it happened that way. I don’t know if I would have been able to do what I do if I hadn’t done it. It’s because of what I’ve been, and what I’ve done, and what I’ve done has made me who I am, and at this point I feel very happy, and I want to continue. I found something that I like doing. I enjoy my work, and those experiences have helped me get here (Antonio).

An individual plays with different levels of identity, as if the person had a portfolio of ethnic identities, and can choose from it at a given moment, time and place. Social identity can be seen as the various ways in which people understand themselves in relation to others (Peirce, 1995). For Salvador, his linguistic advantage has made him feel confident when using the language, but he also takes on the role of a helper, someone who can help other teachers to achieve a good level and, of course, his students as well:

I don’t want to just give pride to myself but, I just want to say that I acquired the language fully. I dominate the language. I have an amount of cultural knowledge of the language, which I just want to say I acquired the language, and I just want to help people out. I don’t want to say I’m better than the teachers. I just want to feel somebody to help others in need. (Salvador)

All in all, the formation of identity is a process that involves performances which are recognized both by the group and the individual. These participants have found a group where they feel they belong, where they share similar characteristics, and this enhances their self-esteem and positive self-image after living different experiences. This can be traced when we see how they became English teachers and how they feel identified with a particular group who seems to share the same characteristics. This will be discussed in the following section.

Identifying with Other Transnational Teachers

As social entities, we tend to find associations with others who share similar experiences and interests. For transnationals, this means identifying with those with experiences on both sides of the border. What this entails is that these individuals find a common arena, within a third space or hybrid culture. Below, Salvador exemplifies this notion of finding commonalties among those who share a similar background:

Yeah, I relate myself more towards English teachers who were in the States, who grew up in the States. I share more similarities with them, as opposed to English teachers here in Mexico (Salvador).

Salvador makes reference to shared similarities, although little detail is given regarding these. The following excerpts from other participants provide more detail. For example, Arturo offers further insights into these similarities:

Usually it’s something related to work. If it’s a colleague, and it’s little things, for example sports, basketball, American football more, politics, we also talk about U.S. politics, not just Mexican politics, and, even more right now (laughter), and we just have more similar topics that we can talk about (Arturo).

Above, Arturo mentions “little things”, specifically referring to sports and politics. These mundane topics carry with them the transnationals’ funds of identity which are used as a means to create affiliation to the community of practice. Similarly, Yolanda makes claims regarding the nostalgia of such encounters:

Because we share conversations, like topics, and then we say: when I went to, I don’t know, Chicago, it was like this and that, or when I went to Santa Barbara it was like this and that. And we see what things that were in common, and what wasn’t common (Yolanda).

Yolanda finds common grounds in recounting nostalgic experiences in the U.S. So far, we have portrayed how the participants establish a common ground based on their shared experiences. However, this is not the only component. Transnationals also use linguistic traits to identify and relate to other teachers.

How do I identify someone? Sometimes because of their accent. Usually like when they’ve been in the States, they have different accents than teachers that learned English as a foreign language. Sometimes the accent gives it away (Gaby).

Gaby states that she identifies other transnational teachers based on their accent. She claims that these teachers possess a different accent possibly due to the way in which they learned the language, making a distinction between learning it as a second language through immersion and as a foreign language through formal language classes. However, one must consider that accent is a subjective and difficult aspect to point out as there can be great variety in accents. Below, Yolanda points out pronunciation which in terms of native and non-native speaker may perhaps be a more reliable means of identifying transnational teachers.

Well, if we talk to each other maybe, like if they have very good pronunciation. Maybe I would ask them: where did you learn English? That’s one of the first questions I guess I would ask: where did you learn English? And in that way, I could know if they learned it in, or if they were in the U.S. or not, or wherever they speak English (Yolanda).

Yolanda describes transnationals’ pronunciation as “very good”. Perhaps what she refers to is what is usually found in research regarding transnational English teachers. This literature states that transnationals usually possess pronunciation which is native or native-like (Petrón, 2009). The previous two excerpts allude to transnationals productive skills and a description of their English which is a product of immersion in the language. The next two excerpts begin to set division between the transnational teacher and the teacher without such experiences. In the following excerpt, Arturo makes reference to classroom practices and to ideologies regarding the U.S.:

They are usually less idealistic about the U.S. (laughter), and more open-minded regarding the language, and mistakes of the language (Arturo).

The above, points out two differences between the transnational and the Mexican national teacher. First, he perceives that the Mexican national teachers tend to be more “idealistic” about the U.S. Perhaps, what he refers to is that as the transnationals have experienced life in the U.S. first hand, they present their experience as they lived them to their students. Second, he points out how Mexican English teachers are often viewed as being less lenient with their students regarding mistakes in the classroom. Here, the differentiation he is making is between the focus on fluency and accuracy of students’ production. This excerpt leads to the next section in which the participants portray how, within a group of teachers, there are distinctions which set them apart.

Different from National Teachers

Based on their experiences and how the participants see themselves and others, they seem to also delineate who is not a member of such community. They do this based on their observations and also on the perceptions held by others, such as students and other teachers. Salvador describes his experience with other non-transnational teachers:

I don’t want to be judgmental, but, sometimes I think that they feel kind of intimidated because here’s somebody that knows the language fully, has full dominance, and sometimes they feel jeopardized towards if I’m going to take their job away, or maybe, some of their students, they say, I don’t know, they go with the English speaking teacher, just go with him, because he knows. He tends to know more, or sometimes, a teacher feels less because their students look for me for examples, or, maybe facilitating more the language towards them. (Salvador)

Expanding on Salvador’s comment where non-transnational teachers feel intimidated, Antonio mentions that aside from “knowing the language”, these teachers also feel pressure due to his preparation in the BA program:

I think there is an implicit difference. Not necessarily it has to be something to talk about, because some local teachers might feel intimidated by somebody else that has more experience, or that has learned the language in a different context. It’s not something that I go around mentioning: Hey! Yes, I have more experience than you. I’ve been to more places than you. I speak better than you. That’s not necessarily true but, it does, I think, it does weigh in the back of the mind of the person when someone else seems to be better prepared as far as having more interaction in other cultures, or in other situations (Antonio).

The excerpts above illustrate notions of fear or intimidation that other teachers may hold. The following excerpts show how the participants perceive that other teachers view them differently based on their linguistic abilities and their transnational backgrounds. Yolanda notices how other teachers view her differently because of where she learned English.

Well, I’ve noticed that some teachers, like the group teachers, you know, I’m working in PNIEB [Programa Nacional de Inglés en Educación Básica, National English Program for Basic Education], and they ask me where I learned English, and since they know where I learned English, they tell me: Oh, so you do know English. You do know how to teach. I’m like, okay with the fact that me going to the U.S. doesn’t mean that I can teach, but they see it like that. They tell me: Oh, so you know how to be a teacher, no como los otros, usted sí sabe [not like the others, you do know], and I’m like: Do they do see the difference, or what? (Yolanda).

Yolanda alludes to a problem which the PNEIB program faced which was that the Ministry of Education (Secretaría de Educación Pública, SEP) often did not give equal opportunities to qualified English teachers (see Sayer, 2015). Often, qualified teachers were not hired because they were not Normalistas (primary school teachers) or they did not hold a degree which matched exactly with the name that the SEP required. However, once in the program, transnational teachers such as Yolanda would stand out as they held a different profile from the rest.

Below, Laura depicts how her experience having contact with a different nation set her apart from other teachers.

I think they view me a bit differently in the sense of simply having traveled outside of Mexico. From the moment that a person travels outside his country, our perspective changes, so being called United States, being called Australia, being called China, England, it doesn’t matter the country. I think it is simply the fact of having traveled outside of Mexico, and they view us a bit differently. (Laura)

As seen in this and the previous section, the transnational teachers in this study rely on their funds of identity. These funds were shared lived experiences and perception. In turn, these similarities amongst themselves created a type of binary situation in which there were those who were alike and those who were not. This created boundaries in their group and almost requisite-like characteristics for membership.

Lived Experiences as a Resource for ELT

As a result of their migratory experiences, transnational students (and in the case of this study, English teachers) have academic trajectories which often represent a collage of academic experiences. This may perhaps be a disadvantage and an obstacle for some transnationals, however, for those who decide to become teachers, this experience may enrich their teaching practices. Gaby emphasizes this idea:

I think it has implemented in how I teach, because I use a lot techniques that even my own professors used when I was younger (Gaby).

Adding to this point is Laura’s experience:

Yes, definitely, and since, as I mentioned previously, I had a group of very good teachers when I was in the U.S. I think that now that I am teaching English, this has somehow influenced in me in the sense that I want to be the best that I can as a teacher in honor of those teachers that I had. So, I want to somehow reflect their great quality as teachers. I want to become like them, and I think that if I had not had that experience, when I left Mexico, maybe I would be any teacher, but now I want to be the best I can be as a teacher (Laura).

From Gaby and Laura, we see that their schooling experiences in the U.S. somehow influenced their teaching practices and identities. Nonetheless, experiences in schools are not isolated and they are accompanied by experiences outside of school. These experiences may include contact with a new language and culture which without a doubt mold an individual into a new self. As seen in the following excerpts, transnationals make use of “real life examples” to enhance their learners learning experience. Salvador comments:

I want to say I’m an English teacher with the proper linguistics, with the proper usage of the language. I can provide an amount of examples for my learners. I put myself as an example for my learners to see what the book is trying to tell them, or what the activity is trying to make reference to the students. I put myself in that position. This is an example, and I provide them, or if they want to see a real-life example, I would just explain. Well, I lived, and I went through this (Salvador).

Similarly, Arturo adds:

Regarding my teaching, not much, just that I had to, I think, that the experience of having to talk with people from many different countries also helps you be more patient with the struggles that your students have, because it’s not that simple. And the final point is to communicate. If you can do that, you’re good (Arturo).

Antonio expands:

Yes, definitely, these experiences have helped me because otherwise I would not have known about these topics, like I said, meeting new people, or getting to know other places. I can explain or use those experiences that I have related to the context or the lessons that I’m teaching, because I know what I’m talking about, not just what the book is saying, or what the syllabus says that we should cover. Okay, we are covering, perhaps restaurants. Of course, there are restaurants here in Mexico, but using the context of the United States, using English, provides a little more information that I can express to the students and explain that from a different point of view (Antonio).

From the excerpts above, the participants make note of how their transnational backgrounds play an important role in their teaching practice. They claim that their experience enables them to bring forth examples and make themselves examples for students. These experiences, as Arturo explains, also allow them to be more empathetic with students. Finally, their transnational trajectories, as Antonio claims, permit them to go beyond the examples found in textbooks making leaning more authentic.

Conclusions

Once returning to Mexico, participants are faced with obstacles, such as finding a job and a degree program, negotiating their multiple identities through English and Spanish, and adapting themselves to cultural experiences, to name a few. Their English command is influential in their career entry and provides them with linguistic capital and this can be seen as an asset. Often, they are not aware of how beneficial their use of language is, but English seems to be the door opener for them becoming teachers. Through languages, both English and Spanish, their identity formation is fluid and non-static (Blommaert, 2008; Kanno, 2003; Mora, Trejo & Roux, 2016; Norton, 2000, 2013; Norton & Toohey, 2011). Their ties to the United States are intertwined with their family ties of Mexico.

The participants have gone through a complex process of identity formation, having lived in two different countries and experienced different ways of living in both countries. At times they feel more attached to one or another. However, how they perceive themselves depends on where they are and who they are interacting with. They are able to realize that they have an edge over their counterparts and their linguistic capital in English gives them an advantage that they can use to their convenience. Moreover, they try to bring their transnational experiences into the classroom and use them as a source to create a new dynamic in the language classroom. Their career entry is often haphazard in that they did not plan to become a teacher, yet after time they grow to appreciate and even love teaching. This study shows the complexities of teacher socialization and identity of EFL teachers in Mexico and their negotiation through languages.

Concerning limitations, it would be valuable to explore the narratives of more participants to see if there are similarities or differences and also examine the reasons why participants go to the United States and return to Mexico. This research is of use for teachers or program coordinators who work with transnational students or teachers at different levels of education in private or public sectors. These teachers and coordinators need to look at these transnationals’ experiences and how these lived experiences influence how the transnationals perceive themselves as individuals and teachers. This information will have an implication for teachers, coordinators, and administration because it provides them with a better understanding of these transnational teachers. As they may have had different experiences in the United States or Mexico, they might have a somewhat idealistic view of how the language should be taught, or what an English teacher should possess. This study will shed light on possible transnationals they have had as students or teachers on both sides of the border.

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